Battle of the River Plate

Near the end of a succesfull raiding cruise (See the Section "Raiding cruises of the Panzerschiffe") the panzerschiff Graf Spee, under the command of captain Langsdorff and searching for merchant ships sailing from Montevideo to the UK via Freetown, was some 150 miles east of the estuary of the River Plate. Her lookouts spotted masts on the horizon at 0552, off the starboard bow. These were the masts of British warships, not unarmed merchant ships. Graf Spee went to action stations, and turned to engage, as the lookouts at first identified at least two of the newcomers as destroyers. Near the end of her cruise, Graf Spee no longer had to avoid enemy warships at all costs, and Langsdorff planned to engage and disable any warship capable of shadowing his ship. Destroyers were ships Graf Spee could not hope to outrun, but could easily destroy. More importantly, destroyers were used to escort convoys. The German lookouts soon corrected their mistake, identifying the heavy cruiser HMS Exeter at 0600, and correctly identifying two light cruisers by 0610. But Langsdorff continued the approach, knowing that he could not outrun, but did outgun, the British ships.

The British warships were under the command of Commodore Henry Harwood, along with a fourth ship under Harwood's command, were collectively known as Force G. Harwood had previously had his ships spread out to cover a wide area of the ocean: The light cruiser HMS Ajax watched the River Plate estuary, the light cruiser HMAS Achilles patrolled further north off Rio de Janeiro, while the heavy cruisers HMS Exeter and HMS Cumberland guarded the Falkland Islands to the South. Harwood flew his flag from the Ajax, to be closest to the center of the patrol areas.

Graf Spee had attacked the Doric Star some 3000 miles from Harwood's patrol area on December 2, he was certain that the raider would return to the rich hunting grounds of the River Plate- UK shipping routes, on which the Germans previously enjoyed success before diverting to the Indian Ocean. Alone, none of Harwood's three operational ships could hope to defeat the Graf Spee, but together they were more than capable. Harwood did some calculations from Doric Star's location when attacked, and figured that the Graf Spee could reach the waters off Rio by the 12th, the River Plate area by December 13, or the Falkland Islands by the 14th. Harwood gambled that the raider's captain would prefer to intercept merchantmen sailing to the UK that to avenge his ship's namesake by attacking the Falklands, and further deduced that the traffic off Montevideo/ Buenos Aries was more tempting that that off Rio, so he planned to concentrate his ships off the River Plate.

He sent his orders out on December 3: Ajax and Cumberland were to seek and capture the SS Ussukuma, a German freighter in the area capable of resupplying German raiders. Following this interception on the 5th, where the German ship was intercepted but managed to scuttle itself to avoid capture, Cumberland would return to Port Stanley in the Falklands to perform refit and repairs to herself as best she could due to boiler problems. Exeter would leave Port Stanley on the 9th, and the three operational ships would meet at a point 150 east of Montevideo on December 12.

The next morning the three ships were steaming in line ahead, at the moderate speed of 14 knots, patrolling roughly east-northeast. Like his German counterpart, Harwood did not have his recognizance aircraft patrolling, though for different reasons. While the German plane was inoperable due to a design flaw (the Arado 196 tended to land fast and hard, splashing cold water up on the engine that cracked the hot cylinders, so eventually the ship simply ran out of spares and what cylinders could be cannibalized from the spare aircraft), the British commander simply chose not to operate his.

Harwood had guessed right: soon after dawn his lookouts spotted smoke on the horizon, caused by Graf Spee's diesel engines, which were badly in need of overhaul. At 0604 Exeter reported sighting smoke, and at 0616 signalled, "I think it is a pocket battleship." Thanks to the trickery of the Germans, the British did not know if the vessel they were about to engage was Graf Spee or Admiral Scheer.

Langsdorff was faced with three opponents, the slowest of which had a speed advantage of seven knots over his tired vessel. Avoiding combat was not an option, so the question became how to best engage his numerically superior, but smaller gunned opponents. He could turn away and keep his distance as long as possible, firing his 11.1-inch guns at long range, hoping to disable at least one of the enemy vessels before they could get into range to reply, and then use the superior weight of his larger guns to disable or drive the remainder off. But in doing so he would waste tremendous amounts of his limited ammo: hits were rare at long range, especially firing only the three guns of the aft turret, and he might expend all 300 shells in the aft magazine without disabling all three British cruisers. So instead, Langsdorff ran toward the enemy at full speed, closing to 20,000 yards, and then turned broadside to bring all six main guns and half his secondary guns to bear, hoping the greater weight of fire at shorter range would more quickly tell on the most powerful British ship, Exeter. At 0618, Graf Spee opened fire, expecting her weakly armored and armed opponents to shadow or retreat.

Harwood also had a choice to make. He had no plans to shadow, as attack to end the raider's days was his only option, but he could attack in one of two ways. He could keep his ships together to face his more heavily armored and armed opponent as a single group, or her could split them up and attack from two angles, but risk putting one of his ships in a position where it might face the superior German one on one. With a great speed advantage and in a daylight action, Harwood chose to divide his ships into to divisions: Ajax and Achilles would close one flank, while Exeter attacked on the other. He had previously communicated these instruction to his captains, so as soon as the enemy was sighted on a bearing of 320 degrees, Captain Bell took Exeter off at high speed on course 280 allowing all three main turrets to bear on the stern of the enemy, while Captains Woodhouse and Parry took Ajax and Achilles to full speed on course 340. Ajax led, with Achilles 800 yards behind, as the two smaller ships converged with Graf Spee's bow.

At 0620, Ajax and Achilles returned Graf Spee's fire at a range of 19,200 yards, and a minute later Exeter followed suite, at a range of 19,400 yards. Their fire was coordinated by radio from Ajax.

Graf Spee drew first blood, though her gunnery officer underestimated Exeter's protection and ordered High Explosive, impact fused shells instead of Armor Piercing. Her third salvo straddled Exeter and scored one hit, amidships where it killed the crew of the starboard torpedo mount and disabled both of Exeter's Walrus seaplanes, denying Harwood their use during the battle. A few seconds later another shell struck the heavy cruiser, passing through the deck and out the side of the ship near "B" turret without exploding. Soon a third hit, from the German's eighth salvo, struck the front of "B" turret, putting it out of action and sending splinters across the bridge, killing everyone except the captain and two other officers, all of whom were wounded. The wheelhouse was damaged also, severing communication with steering and engineering; the ship went out of control, and fell off to starboard. Captain Bell, bleeding from a wound to the face, set up command in the secondary conning position and passed orders with messengers, getting his ship back on course. Meanwhile two more shells struck the ship forward, one of which blew a six-foot by eight-foot hole in the bow after striking an anchor, the other of which started a fire in the forecastle. Soon another sprayed splinters across "X" turret, temporarily disabling it. In exchange, Exeter's gunners scored but on hit on Graf Spee, which struck her control tower killing several officers and instrument operators, damaging communications, and destroying the main rangefinder.

By 0630, Ajax and Achilles had closed to nearly 13,000 yards, putting out a great volume of shells with their smallish but rapidly firing guns. Langsdorff was obliged to shift targets, giving Exeter a reprieve while he turned his guns on the light cruisers. With communications down and the main director gone, the turrets fired on local control. The secondary guns, 5.9 and 4-inch weapons, had engaged the light cruisers but scored no hits.

The British cruisers changed course rapidly, weaving in and out, avoiding the German shells and suffering only light damage from the splinters of near misses. Exeter fired off her starboard torpedoes and the Germans altered course 150 degrees to port at 0636, under cover of a smoke screen, to avoid them and open the range from Ajax and Achilles to 17,000 yards. The secondary guns continued to target the light cruisers, but main gun's fire shifted back to Exeter. Freed from heavy fire, Ajax flew off her spotter aircraft, only to find that radio difficulties prevented communications with it.

The British heavy cruiser scored a second hit on Graf Spee, but soon began to suffer. An 11-inch shell slammed into the deck near a firefighting team, causing many casualties. Bell swung his ship to starboard, to bring his port torpedoes to bear. Three more 11-inch shells found their mark, one destroying "A" turret, one causing heavy casualties in the armament office, and the third passing through the ship's side and three bulkheads before blowing a twelve-foot by sixteen-foot hole in the chief petty officer's quarters.

Exeter was in bad shape. Fires raged all over the ship, she had a 10-degree list and was trimmed down by the bows from flooding, communications were down, power was out over most of the ship, and only "Y" turret rained in action. The gyro-repeaters were out of action, so Captain Bell had to con his ship using only a hand compass from a lifeboat. 61 officers and men were killed, and 23 wounded. But the ship kept her speed, and stayed in the fight. A grim faced signalman on Ajax, looking at the burning and listing Exeter, commented to his officer, "It looks, Sir, as if it is going to be another bloody Coronel."

Meanwhile, Graf Spee had continued to be target to the light cruisers' guns. Many simply ricocheted off her armor belt, and Harwood later commented that, "We might as well have been throwing snowballs at her." But the rapid fire of the 6-inch guns was having more effect than Harwood thought, and Graf Spee was suffering many casualties among the crews of her weakly protected secondary battery. Rather than press home his advantage and attempt to finish off the British cruisers, Langsdorff decided to open up the range: he had not expected the inferior British ships to slug it out at short range, and he was suffering more damage and casualties than was acceptable: his ship, after all, still had to get past the Home Fleet and travel 12,000 miles to get to the nearest friendly base.

Graf Spee continued to swing around to the west, and Harwood feared that she would double back and finish off Exeter, so he turned west also to once again close the range with his light cruisers. Exeter suffered a short-circuit which eliminated her last turret from action. She was now a lame duck, and her crew watched the battling ships disappear over the horizon.

Graf Spee turned her fire once again to the smaller ships, while continuing westward to try to keep the range open. At 0720, Langsdorff swung his ship to port to bring all guns to bear again. 6-inch shells found their mark, starting fired on Graf Spee. Achilles was straddled by a salvo of large shells, splinters from which damaged the control tower, killed several officers and men, destroyed the wireless gear, and wounded Captain Parry. Ajax fired her torpedoes, but Graf Spee sighted them and took evasive action. Her 11-inch guns paid back Ajax for her insolence, with a hit that disabled "X" and "Y" turrets, killing six and wounding 2 before exploding in Harwood's cabin and destroying all his personal belongings. Graf Spee's own torpedoes were fired from her starboard tubes. Radio communication had been established finally with Ajax's Seafox spotter plane, and it signalled, "Torpedoes approaching; they will pass ahead of you." Harwood altered course, and the torpedoes sped by harmlessly.

The British guns continued to blaze, but it appeared that they were incapable of stopping Graf Spee. Ajax's guns had fired 3-400 rounds in rapid succession, and they would no longer return to the load position under recoil. The gun crews poured oil onto them and push them back by hand. "B" turret's ammo hoist failed, leaving her with only three operational guns. With the faster British ships closing the range to only 8000 yards, it appeared that they were coming out on the loosing end of the fight. Harwood learned that Ajax had fired 80% of her main rounds, and had to assume that Achilles was similarly short. Fearing that Graf Spee would turn and destroy first one, and then the other light cruiser, he fell back to break off the day action. He decided to shadow until dusk, lick his wounds, and try again after dusk. The British cruisers dropped back, a final hit from Graf Spee carried away Ajax's topmast, eliminating her wireless communication. Harwood made smoke and turned away at 0740, and eventually dropped back to 15 miles, one cruiser on each quarter of the Graf Spee. Captain Parry overestimated Graf Spee's speed, and accidentally closed to 23,000 yards at 1005, only to rapidly open the range under cover of smoke when two salvos from Graf Spee fell close alongside.

Langsdorff, however, had no desire to continue the action, even though he was sure that Exeter was sinking. Graf Spee had fired 60% of her ammo, and was still at a considerable speed disadvantage, so the British cruisers could remain at extreme range until the Germans ran out of ammo. His ship was also more seriously wounded than Harwood thought, having been struck 17 times. He himself was injured, being knocked unconscious by an exploding shell and cut by splinters from two other. Graf Spee was also short of ammo, so Langsdorff made occasional smoke as he retired to the west, making no attempt the turn on his pursuers. He received damage reports from all over the ship, did a tour of his command. What he found distressed him: a six-inch shell had penetrated the starboard quarter, destroying an ammunition hoist and cutting the electricity to the forward 11-inch turret; another had passed through the ship leaving a three-foot by six-foot exit wound as it passed out the port side; a third destroyed a four-inch gun and its ammo hoist. A 5.9-inch mount, the ship's galley, the main rangefinder and the radar were destroyed by shellfire, and fire had destroyed the scout plane, three of the ship's boats, and Langsdorff's cabin. The onboard plant to purify her diesel fuel for her engines was damaged beyond repair, there were six leaks below the waterline, and a shell had wrecked the bridge as it passed through without exploding. There were 36 dead and 59 wounded, and there was much repair work to be done before the ship could attempt the long voyage home. Langsdorff told his navigator, Jurgen Wattenberg, "We must run for port, the ship is no longer seaworthy."

But where to go? The two only two choices were Buenos Aries or Montevideo. Both nations were neutral, but Argentina had better relations with Germany while Uruguay leaned towards the US and UK. Many authors have criticized Langsdorff for choosing Montevideo; some even claiming his judgment was impaired due to his being in shock from his wounds. Perhaps Argentina would be friendlier, but it was not a good choice for several reasons. For starters, Montevideo was simply much closer. Secondly, the waters of the River Plate are some of the most dangerous in the world, and the estuary is littered with literally thousands of wrecks; Graf Spee would have to stop to take on a pilot, unthinkable with the British close behind. Also, the Panzerschiff drew 22 feet of water, even without any damage. This meant that she would have to stay in the narrow dredged channel to reach Buenos Aries, while the British cruisers, which drew only 16 feet, would have freedom of movement. The channel was only 23 feet deep at some places, so if the British scored a hit below the waterline Graf Spee would ground, unable to move. Even if she did not run aground, the German ship's water intakes for the cooling system of her diesels were at the lowest part of the ship's bottom, and any mud sucked in would cause the tired engines to overheat very quickly, immobilizing the ship. Disabled or stuck, Graf Spee would be easily destroyed, but would not sink, allowing the British to capture her. Buenos Aries was out; the ship would head for Montevideo. Langsdorff sent a brief action report to German High Command, and announced his intention to enter Montevideo. Admiral Raeder replied in agreement with the plan.

Langsdorff sent someone to check on his prisoners, 62 British officers and seaman who had escaped injury in their compartment deep within the ship. They were fed, and all breathed a sigh of relief at their mixed blessing: while they had wished the Royal Navy victory, the destruction of the Graf Spee would have meant their deaths. They were not yet free, but they were alive.

Harwood dispatched the Seafox to check on Exeter around 0800, fearing the worst when she failed to respond to calls from Achilles. The plane found Exeter, which signalled that she was hit hard and, was ablaze amidships, but not in need of immediate assistance. When Exeter finally rigged up some wireless equipment, Bell reported, "All turrets out of action. Flooded forward up to No. 14 bulkhead, but can still do 18-knots." She was of no further fighting value, so Harwood ordered her to Port Stanley. With some luck and fair weather, she would make the 1000-mile voyage without sinking.

Cumberland was ordered to leave the Falklands immediately to replace Exeter. The order came at 0916, and by 1000 she was clearing Port Stanley. Captain Fallowfield had put his ship's boilers back together and raised steam on his own initiative when he heard radio signals of the battle, and raved to the Plate area at best speed. He would arrive in 36 hours.

At 1104 Graf Spee sighted a merchant ship, the British steamer SS Shakespeare bound for the UK of Montevideo. Langsdorff altered course to intercept, intending to sink the ship with a torpedo as he went by and claim one last victim. Always chivalrous, Langsdorff signalled his intention to the steamer's captain, telling him to abandon ship, and also to Harwood, asking him to "Please pick up lifeboats from British steamer." The German captain used his ship's correct call sign, and for the first time the British knew what ship they had been fighting. Shakespeare's captain hove to, but did not abandon ship. Without the time to wait, and never being one to sink a vessel with unarmed sailors on board, Langsdorff turned Graf Spee back towards Montevideo without firing.

Harwood signalled the British Naval Attache in Buenos Aries at 1347, saying that the German warship was heading towards the River Plate area. His cruisers continued to follow the German ship as it headed for Montevideo. At 1543 that afternoon, Achilles sighted a ship that was identified as a Hipper class heavy cruiser. For 20 minutes Harwood and Parry wondered how they could possibly face German reinforcements, until lookouts corrected their error and identified the ship as the British steamer SS Delane, who's streamlined funnel resembled those of German cruisers.

Late in the afternoon, long before any ships were sighted, the thunder of distant gunfire was heard in Punta del Este, on the northern edge of the River Plate estuary. The flagship of the National Navy, the 1,150-ton gunboat Uruguay under the command of Captain Fernando J. Fuentes, sailed out to investigate. The rest of the National Navy (consisting of three other gunboats) went on alert, ready to defend the nation's territorial waters and enforce International Law. While these craft with their diminutive guns were no match for a large warship in the open ocean, their shallow draft and torpedoes gave them an advantage in the estuary. Around 1800 hours, Uruguay's lookouts spotted Graf Spee, and settled in to watch the action.

The coast of Uruguay was sighted at around 1815, and by 1900 Harwood guessed that Graf Spee intended to enter the River Plate estuary. He ordered Achilles to follow Graf Spee into the wide estuary of the river, International Law allowing 'hot pursuit' to override the respect for neutral territorial waters, while Ajax turned south to prevent the Germans from suddenly doubling back. At 1915, Graf Spee suddenly turned broadside and fired two salvoes at Ajax at the range of 26,000 yards, causing the cruiser to turn away and make smoke. At 2048, just after sunset, Graf Spee fired three salvoes at Achilles, compelling that vessel to keep her distance and reply with five salvoes of her own. In the gathering darkness Parry had to close to keep Graf Spee in visual range, and increased speed to get within 10,000 yards. Graf Spee fired three salvoes between 2130 and 2145, but Achilles did not back off. Parry could clearly see the silhouette of the German warship against the lights of Montevideo, and reported just before midnight that Graf Spee had dropped anchor. A quick estimate of the repairs needed for the long voyage home was two weeks, so the Germans needed an extended stay in Montevideo.

A few minutes late, a German officer unlocked the door to the compartment that held the British prisoners and told them that Langsdorff would release them in the morning. Under International Law, Graf Spee could not hold prisoners and claim "havarie," the privilege of sanctuary for damage caused at sea.

The British cruisers took up station in two separate channels along the 136-mile wide estuary, hoping that Graf Spee would stay put, as they were in no position to stop her. Ajax had half of her guns out of action, and had only enough ammo to keep the others in action for 30 minutes. Achilles had suffered only splinter damage, but carried only enough ammo for 15-20 minutes. The closest reinforcement, Cumberland, was still 24 hours away. Harwood would not be deterred; he informed his officers and crews that in the event of Graf Spee's sudden exit from harbor his policy was "destruction," prompting someone to mutter "Whose?"

Reinforcements were on the way, with Cumberland already en route and scheduled to arrive the next day. The battlecruiser Renown, the carrier Ark Royal, and the cruiser Neptune were a thousand miles away off the north of Brazil, and the heavy cruisers Dorsetshire and Shropshire were dispatched from Cape Town to arrive in 5 days time.

While the diplomatic and legal maneuvering began in Uruguay, there was celebration back in Britain. One of the few German heavy ships, and one of the most successful raiders, had been tracked down, engaged, and driven to harbor by inferior forces operating in the best tradition of the Royal Navy. Harwood was an instant hero, and was promoted instantly to Rear Admiral and awarded the Knight Commander of the Order of Bath (KCB), while Bell, Parry, and Woodhouse were awarded the Companion of the Order of Bath (CB).

Before daylight on the 14th, the German Minister Dr. Otto Langmann boarded the Graf Spee. He chastised Langsdorff for not going to Argentina, where the political climate was friendlier and Langmann's job would have been easier: while there was an active pro-Nazi minority in Uruguay, the vast majority of the people disliked authoritarianism and were profiting from trade with Britain.

General Alfredo Baldomir, President of the Republic of Uruguay, and his ministers of Foreign Affairs and Defense, Dr Alberto Guani and General Alfredo Campos, prepared to hear arguments from the British and German ministers before they decided the fate of the warship they now hosted in their harbor. At issue was the interpretation of the Hague Convention of 1907, the relevant International Law. This law stated that a belligerent warship could only stay in a neutral port for 24 hours before that neutral power was obliged to intern it for the duration of hostilities. However, a warship could extend their stay past 24 hours if it claimed "havarie," or the right of sanctuary, because it had suffered damage while at sea. If damage had been suffered, then the neutral power could not force the warship to go to sea until repairs were complete.

Langmann argued his case, pressing for the 15 days Langsdorff said it would take to make repairs to allow the Graf Spee to make a breakout, followed by a run past the Home Fleet for Germany.

The British minister, Eugen Millington-Drake, argued that because Graf Spee had sailed 300 miles at good speed to Montevideo after the battle she was indeed seaworthy, and should not be granted sanctuary for repairs that were to make the ship battleworthy, not seaworthy.

Guani and Campos listened to both sides, and decided not to decide. President Baldomir could not ignore the pro-German element of his population, but did not want to upset relations with either Britain or the pro-British USA, Uruguay's two largest overseas trading partners. They informed the German minister that Uruguayan technical experts would board the Graf Spee to inspect her damage and make their own estimates for repair. They also reminded the British minister that the British cruiser Glasgow had claimed "havarie" after the Battle of Coronel in 1914 and spent a week in drydock at neutral Rio de Janeiro.

Langsdorff kept his promise, and ordered all prisoners released. The British merchant captains Dove and Pottinger went to pay their respects and say goodbye to the German warrior, who had acted more as a host than a captor. Langsdorff greeted them, and gave each of them a cap tally from one of Graf Spee's dead, apologizing that they had been on board for the battle and expressing thanks that none of the British merchant seamen had been injured. A the British merchant officers and seamen mustered on the quarterdeck to be dismissed by the master-at-arms, they passed 36 coffins sitting under the guns of the aft turret; not everyone on Graf Spee had been as lucky as they.

Soon after Langsdorff freed his prisoners in the afternoon, and landed his dead and wounded for hospital treatment, the technical experts toured the ship. They inspected and prepared a report, which they forwarded to Guani and Campos. As they reviewed the report to reach a decision, the British minister, Millington-Drake, interrupted with a request to see them again. It would appear that the British minister had forgotten two of the golden rules of diplomacy: "Be careful what you ask for, because you just might get it." and "for expert advice, ask an expert."

Harwood, knowing that his beat up ships stood little chance of prevailing twice without reinforcements, refueling, and a fresh load of ammo, did not want Graf Spee turned out of Montevideo anymore than Langsdorff did. He needed a few more hours for Cumberland to arrive to give him a fighting chance, and more time past that for Renown, Ark Royal, and the other cruisers to reach the scene. Harwood asked Millington-Drake to use "Every means possible" to DELAY Graf Spee's departure! Harwood needed exactly the opposite of what the British minister had been fighting for.

Harwood's idea was to take advantage of the very law that Millington-Drake had wanted to use to expel Graf Spee from neutral waters. The Hague Convention had a clause in it to protect unarmed merchant ships from raiders: if a merchant ship belonging to a belligerent power left a neutral port, then a warship belonging to the other could not leave that same port for 24 hours, thus giving the merchant ship a fair chance to avoid capture.

Millington-Drake's naval advisor McCall quickly arranged for the British steamer SS Ashworth to leave Montevideo at 1800 on the 15th, and the minister went in to reverse his arguments to the Uruguayan ministers. Guani and Campos made their decision: Graf Spee could not sail before 1800 on the 16th, but had to sail before 2000 hours on Sunday the 17th.

Meanwhile, the crew of the Graf Spee had been busy. Repairs had been started as best they could be, as Montevideo's one shipyard and all local firms refused to help. Some local workers of German origin volunteered, as did the crews of two German merchant ships in harbor. A few civilian technicians from Argentina came to assist also, employed by the German Naval Attaché to Buenos Aries. But the crew of the Graf Spee labored not as men celebrating a victory over British warships, but as men preparing for a battle they knew they could not win.

In the evening of the 14th, Langsdorff met with his officers. The pro-Allied government must not intern the ship, nor could it fall directly into British hands. He intended to attempt a breakout at night.

The next morning Graf Spee buried her dead in a funeral attended only by a few of the crew and a handful of petty officers, as everyone else was busy working on the ship. A naval band let the procession from the dock to the Northern Cemetery on the outskirts of Montevideo. Crowds lined the streets to see the spectacle, including many of the British seamen formerly held on Graf Spee. In a scene that seems out of place in the 20th century, enemies approached each other and exchanged best wishes and handshakes.

After giving a short eulogy at the gravesite, Langsdorff walked down the row of caskets sprinkling dirt on each one. At the end of the row, he came face to face with captain Dove, who stood saluting his former captor. Langsdorff paused, looked him in the eye, and stood at attention to return his salute. Dove left a wreath, which said "To the brave memory of the men of the sea from their comrades of the British Merchant Service."

As a last salute to the fallen Germans was given, photographers immortalized the moment: Everyone stood with their arm outstretched in the Nazi salute, except Langsdorff who gave the traditional salute of the old German Navy. All eyes were on the graves, except minister Langmann's, who glared disapprovingly at Langsdorff.

The propagandists on both sides were distressed by this moment. The German media had portrayed Langsdorff as a hero dedicated to the Reich and its leader, boldly standing exposed on the highest point of the conning tower despite his wounds as he won a victory akin to Coronel. They also reported that the British had spat upon the coffins of the fallen German heroes along the funeral route. There propaganda efforts went out the window when the crew of the Graf Spee vehemently denied these charges, and the photos of the funeral were splashed across the front pages of the world's newspapers.

British propagandists were equally annoyed, as their attempts to paint all Germans as heartless villains were dispelled by Captain Dove's radio interviews about how chivalrously the British sailors had been treated.

But British propagandists made up for their errors by spreading reports that Royal Navy reinforcements had arrived. As the Uruguayan Government informed the German minister of the 72-hour limit, radio reports told of the arrival of Renown and Ark Royal (actually still off Brazil), plus the French battlecruiser Dunkerque. With the departure of the SS Ashworth, Graf Spee's window to leave Montevideo narrowed to just one day. Langsdorff's hopes of a surprise exit from harbor that night were gone. To make matters worse, one of Graf Spee's lookouts sighted a large ship off the Plate, which he incorrectly identified as Renown.

The German Captain met with his crew, which one officer recorded in his diary as being ready to follow their captain blindly, even to certain death. Langsdorff told some of his sailors that he would fight if he could, but if he could not he could not he would not let Graf Spee and her crew 'become a target in a shooting match'. One of Graf Spee's engine-room mechanics recorded Langsdorff's famous words to the effect that he would not let his ship be shot to pieces by a greatly superior force, and that to him a thousand young men alive were worth more than a thousand dead heroes.

Langsdorff reported back to Berlin: he was trapped, could not leave until at least 1800 on the 16th, and would be interned at 2000 on the 17th.

The German Captain continued, 'no prospect of breaking out into the open sea and getting through to Germany. If I can fight my way through to Buenos Aries with ammunition remaining I shall endeavor to do so'.

But Langsdorff knew that all of the reason why Buenos Aries was a bad choice still held true, and that he had no hope of disabling Ajax, Achilles, and Cumberland, let alone Renown and Dunkerque, with his remaining ammo, a mere 20-30 minutes supply.

As this course of action, 'might result in destruction [of Graf Spee] without possibility of causing damage to the enemy, request instructions whether to scuttle the ship…or to submit to internment'.

The German minister, Langmann, commented, "I regard internment as the worst possible solution. It would be preferable in view of shortage of ammunition, to blow her up in the shallow waters of the Plate and to have the crew interned." The German minister pressed for another extension, but under pressure from the British Guani and Campos held firm.

The message was sent to Admiral Raeder, who consulted with Hitler, who forbid internment. Raeder answered "Attempt by all means to extend time in neutral waters", and responded to the plan to attempt to fight through to Argentina "Approved." It stressed "No internment in Uruguay. Attempt effective destruction if ship scuttled." In other words, as long as the ship was not interned, the decision was up to Langsdorff. The Captain then met with his officers to discuss options. There was a slim chance that the ship could make Buenos Aries without being destroyed, grounding in the channel, or being disabled by mud in the cooling system, but no guarantee that the government of Argentina would be any more willing to let Graf Spee stay past 24 hours than Uruguay had. But then the whole discussion became pointless: as a final insurance against a surprise exit by the German warship, the British steamer SS Dunster Grange had sailed from Montevideo: Graf Spee could not leave before 1800 hours Sunday. With only a two-hour window, there would be no chance to surprise the waiting British by leaving early.

The die was cast. On the night of the 16th, repair work on Graf Spee was halted. She was filled with the sounds of hammering and small explosions, as the fire control installations, radios, radars, and other equipment were blown up. Dials and electronics were smashed with hammers, gun elevation gear was destroyed, and the breach blocks from the main guns were removed and tossed overboard. The British would learn nothing when they boarded the wreck, and Graf Spee's guns would never be used against Germany. Secret documents were destroyed, and the ship's bell, battle ensign, the portrait of Admiral Graf von Spee, and other historically significant items were sent ashore to be carried home in a diplomatic pouch. Powder charges were stacked inside the turrets around a torpedo warhead, flash doors were opened, a torpedo was wired in the engine room, and detonator wires were rigged. Langsdorff instructed that the wires be run to the conning tower, where he would set them off manually. But his officers insisted that he must look after his men, and rigged up a timer instead.

As live radio carried real-time reports to the world, an estimated three-quarters of a million people crowded along the cost to watch the Graf Spee depart and face the waiting British. Tuning in to the radio reports was Harwood, who heard that men and equipment were being transferred from Graf Spee to the German tanker Tacoma. The German Naval Attaché learned that Renown and Ark Royal were still two days away, refueling at Rio, but it made no difference; British warships still hovered outside the channels, and Graf Spee had no chance of escape.

At 1830 Graf Spee ran up two large battle ensigns and weighed anchor. 700 of her crew had been transferred to Tacoma, which under Captain Hans Konow weighed anchor as well, following about a mile behind the warship as she entered the South channel to the sea. Just outside the breakwater, Tacoma stopped and transferred the German sailors to the Argentine tugs Gigante and Coloso, which had been hired out of Buenos Aries. The Uruguayan National Navy quickly turned Tacoma back into Montevideo where she would be interned for the duration for the war, as she had sailed without proper authorization and assisted in a hostile act.

In the south channel, just outside Uruguay's then three-mile territorial limit, Graf Spee swung west, turned out of the dredged channel, and dropped anchor. The timers on the charges were set for 20 minutes, and the order to abandon ship was given. Langsdorff and the last five officers hauled down the ship's ensigns, made sure the remaining crew was safely off, boarded the captain's launch, and moved about a mile away.

Just before sunset, Graf Spee shuttered from the powerful explosion of the torpedo warhead in her engine room. A second later she was ripped apart in a tremendous explosion. Her rear turret was blown clear of the ship, the stern was severed, and flame belched high into the sky. The forward turret did not explode, probably because the initial explosion damaged the firing circuit. But the ship was in flames from one end to the other, and quickly settled into the shallow water with her main deck awash. The fires would burn for two days.

Langsdorff ordered the final entry into the Graf Spee's log: "Graf Spee put out of service on December 17, 1939, at 2000 hours."

Langsdorff and the rest of the crew would reach Argentina, where the German community greeted them with hospitality, fresh fruit, and warm bread. But the Argentine Government's reception was not so warm. Confirming the suspicion that Graf Spee was no more welcomed there that in Uruguay, the officers and crew were not treated as shipwrecked sailors, but were rounded up and interned for the duration of the war. 16 officers escaped in the next two months, and 17 more in August, and a handful in 1942. A few ratings also escaped, and like the officers managed to return to Germany via a variety of routes, including through Japan and the Soviet Union. But the rest went to prisoner of war camps when Argentina joined the Allies in 1943. Six officers and 894 ratings were repatriated in February 1946, aboard the British liner Highland Monarch, fittingly enough escorted by HMS Ajax, while 168 chose to stay. Hundreds more returned, and some 500 of Graf Spee's crew eventually settled in Argentina

Langsdorff was attacked in the press as a coward and criticized for not going down with his ship. He met with his crew one last time, telling them what the papers were saying, and that he had not lacked the courage to make a final stand, but rather had known that such a stand would have pointlessly killed many if not all of his crew. Dismissing approaching reporters he returned to their billet with his senior officers, were Langsdorff enjoyed their company until about midnight. Going back to his room, he lit a fine cigar, poured a glass of a favorite Scotch, and wrote a letter each to his wife, his parents, and the German Ambassador. After sealing and addressing the letters, Langsdorff spread the Graf Spee's battle flag out, laid on it, and shot himself in the head.

The next afternoon he was laid to rest in Buenos Aries, at a funeral attended by his officers, crew, and Argentinean officials. SS Ahlea's Captain Pottinger, attended to represent the British merchant sailors once held captive on board Graf Spee.

British officers boarded the Graf Spee as soon as the fires were out, but found nothing of value. One of the Royal Navy's top divers attempted to enter the forward turret to recover the advanced gyro-firing system (actually destroyed before the scuttle), only to become trapped and drown. The wreck of the Graf Spee slowly sank into the mud, until by 1948 only the control tower could be seen above water. In a few years even that was out of site, and the Graf Spee was just another of thousands of wrecks in the River Plate estuary.

In 1946, Uruguay extended their territorial waters out to 12 miles, later 200 miles, and Germany relinquished ownership of all wrecks inside territorial waters as part of the surrender agreement, so today the wreck is the property of the Government of Uruguay. One of the ship's 5.9-inch guns was salvaged in 1999 and put in a park along the harbor at Montevideo.

A major salvage operation was announced by a private German group and the National Navy of Uruguay in late 2003, and work began February 2004 to salvage the Graf Spee, drydock her at the Navy Yard for as much restoration and repair as possible, and turn her into a museum at Montevideo. The control tower and aft turret are the first objectives, to be followed by the complete forward section of the hull.